Information
Print

Tupelo ‘79 a lesson on how to fight like a red

Information
21 June 2024 343 hits

Worldwide, the summer months are a time of training for Progressive Labor Party (PLP). As we gear up for a summer of learning, it’s helpful to reflect on past Summer Projects. The following article is a reprint from CHALLENGE in 1979.  

This issue, we look at the Tupelo Project of ’79.

Lessons include:

In the face of the KKK, neo-Nazis and racist capitalist government, we must be bold and have confidence in the working class to take the lead of communists.

Multiracial unity is our class’s weapon, and the bosses’ greatest fear.

To sustain our gains, we must grow the Party and train more Black, Latin, Asian, and white young people in leadership.

Significance of Mississippi

To many who remember the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s, Mississippi symbolizes the most extreme racism, the most brutal murders of Black workers and antiracists, and the stronghold of the Ku Klux Klan.

For Progressive Labor Party, Mississippi signified a base for revolution among Black and white workers, spreading the ideas of multiracial unity and the fight for communist ideas in the South. Today, we celebrate the heroic struggle of the Tupelo Summer Project of ’79. About 100 communists and friends—Black, Latin, Asian, and white—took part in this struggle.

Though relatively small (population of 20,000), Tupelo was an industrial center with over 14,000 workers. The South was important to the U.S. ruling class as an industrial area because its carefully nurtured tradition of racism made it the citadel of low-wage, non-union labor, where the bosses could keep the working class divided and weak to extract extra profits.

The project showed that masses of white workers and students in Tupelo and throughout the South are winnable to antiracism.

Below is an edited excerpt from PL Magazine (Fall 1979) analyzing an aspect of the Tupelo Summer Project:

The great July demonstration

Sixty-five antiracist marchers, organized by Progressive Labor Party and its [then-mass organization] International Committee Against Racism (InCAR), were marching through the streets in Tupelo, Mississippi chanting, “Death to the Klan.”  
Shots rang through the air.

As the bullets grazed two marchers, a disciplined group of people, Black and white, rushed out of line, isolated the racist who wielded the gun, and beat him to the ground. In the fight that ensued with this Klansman, or Klan supporter, the antiracists broke his neck. While this was happening, the marchers, maintaining a tight discipline that won them the respect of Tupelo’s working class, continued the march. The marchers, encouraged by the friendly faces that lined the streets and by the workers who joined the march, were able to withstand the menacing threat of the Tupelo police, who aimed their cocked guns at them.

From the start, it was clear that the racist local rulers wanted to stop this march. A new ordinance was created by the city government banning sound devices (in response to successful PLP-led rallies in the past). The police and their flunkies systematically tore down posters in the housing projects, and a permit for the march was not granted until the very last minute.

As the march gathered in front of the courthouse, the bosses’ seat of power, a militant rally began, attracting a lot of people in the area who joined in chanting, “The cops, the courts, the Ku Klux Klan, all a part of the bosses’ plan.”

‘Before I was scared, now I’m mad’

Many militant workers in Tupelo have come to see InCAR as the main mass organization that can lead workers in the fight against racism and the resurgence of fascist groups like the Klan. One Black woman worker said, “Before I was scared, but now I’m mad.” This represents the feeling of many people here, that there is no longer the luxury to sit back and watch the ruling class and its flunkies hold power, that they have to get active and build a movement that has as its goal the destruction of the ruling class ideas of racism and fascism, and in the final analysis, the ruling class itself.

The political climate is changing rapidly in the South, and only groups like PLP are prepared to respond to the changes, give leadership, and organize the multiracial, antiracist fightback that is necessary to move workers to the left.

The United League, a Black reformist group, recently canceled a march scheduled for Okolona (a town not far from Tupelo) because its leader, Skip Robinson, essentially chickened out of the struggle. More and more people are realizing that UL's leadership cannot stand up to the rigors of the class struggle.

Workers put themselves on the line

Respect for PLP was growing in Tupelo. Two residents of Tupelo put up their houses as collateral so that our comrade could be bailed out of jail. When the two marchers who had been wounded were treated in the hospital, they were warmly received and treated by white doctors and other hospital workers. After the march stopped to rally, hundreds of Black workers surrounded the marchers to protect them from the cops (who would have been only too glad to be trigger happy).

This was the first time a racist had been beaten by an antiracist march in Tupelo. The leadership of the UL had always guaranteed the safety of the KKK and the cops by holding back the anger and hatred of Black workers in the fight to liberate themselves from the racism they faced every day. The bosses always think that they can destroy a workers’ movement by getting its leaders, but little do they know that leaders always spring up in the midst of struggle. There were many, many people right in Tupelo, and other cities North and South, and there still are today, who can develop as working-class leaders in the fight against racism and fascism, and they were and are being trained by Progressive Labor Party.
This was readily proven by the response not only of the marchers, in their determination to continue the march without being intimidated by the cops’ harassment, but also by the tremendous support of the local people. Over 200 copies of InCAR Arrow and CHALLENGE were sold, and four people joined InCAR on the spot. Another demonstration was planned on the spot.

The main lesson PLP learned in Tupelo, as everywhere, is to be bold. The bolder we were, the more seriously people took us and the more willing they were to respond to us. Workers understand that the system will come down hard when you try to fight it. They are also ready to understand that you only win on the offensive.

The struggle continues

Forty-five years later, workers are sharpening class struggle against both ultra-right racists and liberal centrists of our time. Even with disagreements over neo-Nazism and multicultural capitalism, both sides of the ruling class agree on the concept of capitalist dictatorship over us workers and working-class students. We cannot wait or vote for the bosses to hand us revolution. We must take and build the egalitarian world that our class needs, with the same militancy and unity as the multiracial fighters in Tupelo. 

To put our most recent practice of building against the genocide in Gaza, especially under fascist repression, to the test, we are taking the streets of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, July 15-19 during the Republican National Convention (RNC). Following this week of fightback, we will march with our left fists raised to the Democratic National Convention (DNC) in Chicago, Illinois, August 19-23. Until the ruling class’ ideas of racism and fascism are smashed to dust, we will not stop, we will not rest. Join us this summer to build the Progressive Labor Party in our fight for One World, One Party. Contact your local PL’er or email This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. for more info!