A new book, Anti-Racism as Communism, written by Paul Gomberg, is thought-provoking and insightful in its argument that only communism can abolish racism. He takes us through the history of racism in the U.S., and the central role it plays in capitalism’s development. He posits a definition of racism that focuses on social inequality, not just prejudice or bigotry, and emphasizes the uniqueness and viciousness of anti-Black racism.

The book carefully develops a summary of the historical events and the relationship to profit that led to the invention of racism. In the early 1600’s and beyond, class solidarity was embedded in Black/poor white relations. In this period, indentured servants from Europe and enslaved people from Africa were friends, lovers, partners, and companions. As the 1700s brought new racist laws required to be read in church twice a year, and punishments meted out for disobeying those laws, racism began to develop.

Examples of Black and white worker unity against racism

Racism was integral to the founding of the U.S.—all of the “founding fathers” were racists. Most were enslavers who got rich off racism, including the leading racist theoretician, Thomas Jefferson. Class solidarity was also a factor of black/poor white relations in this time. “The capitalist system drove down the enslaved and the poor white farmers, but differently.” (p. 43)

Of course, racism did not end after the Civil War. The purpose of Jim Crow was to separate Black and white and prevent anti-racist class unity.

“The tragedy was the failure of white labor to understand that the racist oppression of black labor was their own oppression, that the working class as a whole needed to fight racist oppression. Instead, many white workers participated in the oppression of their black fellow workers, undermining them all.” (p. 57)

There were, of course, exceptions. In the 1880s and 90s there were integrated fights of coal miners. In some places, white miners realized that if Black workers were paid less, white miners were more likely to lose their jobs. Rendville, Ohio, for example, with a majority white population, had racially integrated schools and elected a Black mayor in 1887. Still, because the bosses hold state power, gains for some workers mean losses for others. “Only the seizure of power makes a truly human society for workers possible.” (p. 74)

Paul details the many anti-racist fights organized by the Communist Party, particularly in the 1930s - 1950s. The fact that these struggles brought Black and white together was a powerful blow to Jim Crow. Black-white worker unity was prominent in struggles of Memphis maritime workers, Ford Rouge workers, Waterloo meatpackers, the Chicago Packinghouse Workers, and Louisville farm equipment workers, to name some examples. The Communist Party was instrumental in helping to develop racial unity in these struggles.   

When Nazis came to power in Germany, the Soviets and communists elsewhere allied with liberals against fascism instead of organizing for communist revolution to smash fascism. Later, in 1947, the Taft-Hartley Act was passed by Congress in an effort—which ended up being successful— to destroy communist-led unions. Party members were caught off guard because they did not fully understand how incompatible capitalism is with workers’ needs. We must learn from both the successes and mistakes of the Communist Party, as we continue to fight for an egalitarian world.

The Civil Rights movement ended many forms of discrimination, but Black workers were still relegated to lower-paid jobs, their children went to segregated schools and they lived in segregated neighborhoods. “The civil rights movement… did not place racism in the context of exploitation of workers and benefits to capital of a divided working class.” (p. 126) Furthermore, Black workers are still prominent in low-wage work, are often “last hired, first fired”, and have considerably less inherited wealth mostly due to past and present racist policies and practices regarding home ownership.

From his own experience as a teacher at the predominantly Black Chicago State University, Gomberg presents the idea that racism can be committed by Black people against other Black people. In one example, a student is unjustly beaten and arrested by a cop, who is supported by administrators and never disciplined for his actions. Everyone in this example is Black.

Racism also is harmful to white and other non-Black working-class people. Racism has divided the working class, weakened unions, and encouraged a culture of individualism. It has driven down conditions for Black and other non-white people, but also, to a lesser extent, white people. The capitalists increase their share of wealth, while poverty creates stress for the working class. The only way to end racism is to end capitalism.

Only communism can end racism

Gomberg argues that an important aspect of ending racism is to “alienate race”. This is not a process that ignores the existence of racism. Rather, it is the process of thinking of yourself and others in terms other than the racial identities that the capitalists have created. He does not posit that this is an easy process or even one that can be completed under capitalism. He does argue that alienating race is an essential part of the elimination of racism. It is a process that can begin when we are still under the yoke of capitalism, even though it can only be fully realized under communism.

Additionally, Paul discusses the importance of what he calls “race-centered Marxism”. In other words, while it is true that there are many groups of people who are discriminated against by the capitalist class, racism is historically and currently their primary weapon to divide the working class. 
The book ends on a hopeful note. It briefly analyzes the strengths and weaknesses within the Chinese Communist Party. We have much to learn from both. While encouraged by their success, we must also learn from their mistakes, which led to their current capitalist state. Combining our practice in militant class struggle with dialectical materialist understandings of history like that in Antiracism as Communism will guide us to construct a new communist society that’s stronger than ever. 

(Note: Antiracism as Communism currently is only sold in hardcover form, for over $100. CHALLENGE suggests that readers ask their local libraries purchase for circulation).