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Editorial: Myanmar - Imperialist war drives racist refugee crisis
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- 05 July 2024 1096 hits
On June 23, rebel forces in Myanmar seized control of Thandwe Airport in western Rakhine State, a logistics hub for the ruling military junta and the gateway to prized coastal resorts. It’s just the latest win for the surging anti-junta forces, now estimated to control more than half the largest Southeast Asian country in land mass (The Irrawaddy, 6/25).
While the world watches in horror at the unending, racist U.S.-backed slaughter in Palestine, civil war rages in Myanmar. Well into its third year, the conflict has killed tens of thousands of workers and children, displaced millions more, and made life practically unbearable. Inflation has spiraled out of control. Millions of jobs have been lost since the military takeover, and nearly half the population lives below the poverty line (East Asia Forum, 2/27). With workers denied legitimate opportunities, the cultivation of opium has skyrocketed (NBC News, 5/30).
On the surface, the Myanmar civil war is a battle between a well-armed, brutal military junta and a growing coalition of ethnic-based militias. But closer examination reveals the devastating impact of inter-imperialist competition, with the U.S., Russia, and China vying for influence by funding and arming different warring factions—and spilling the blood of our class every step of the way.
From Myanmar to Sudan to Palestine/Israel, the working class must take up arms to smash our capitalist oppressors. But we must refuse to fight and die for the capitalist bosses’ rotten nationalism and liberal democracy. As communist revolutionaries, we emphatically state that the only just war is a class war that overthrows the capitalist exploiters and their whole damn racist system. Workers now fighting in Myanmar must be won to wage a communist revolution led by a mass, international Progressive Labor Party.
Strategic battleground in deadly inter-imperialist rivalry
A former colony of the racist British Empire, sharing a border with capitalist powers China and India, Myanmar (formerly Burma) has long been a point of geopolitical significance. In early 2021, a shaky power-sharing agreement between the civilian government and the powerful military, the Tatmadaw, broke down. The Tatmadaw seized control through a coup d’etat and formed a governing junta.
In the years leading up to the coup, the U.S. imperialists had cozied up to popular misleader Aung San Suu Kyi, the face of the ousted liberal democracy government. The U.S. was looking for a friendly politician to steer the country out of its orbit around China, with whom Myanmar has significant trade and military relations.
But the rising Chinese imperialists weren’t so easily pushed out. Determined to solve their “Malacca Dilemma,” they’ve invested tens of billions in Myanmar for roads and gas and oil pipelines. By shipping their Middle East oil imports through Myanmar, China could avoid the Malacca Strait, a chokepoint between Malaysia and Indonesia that might be threatened by the U.S. Navy (China Research Center, 2020).
While China has thrown its formal support behind the ruling generals, it now seems to be hedging its bets. Enter imperialist Russia, a more reliable junta ally. As Myanmar’s generals back Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Russian arms companies have made a literal killing by selling weapons to Myanmar, including fighter jets the junta has used to bomb civilian targets (Fulcrum, 11/30/23).
Meanwhile, the declining U.S. bosses have seen their influence wane. U.S. sanctions against Myanmar’s oil and gas bosses have minimal impact when the junta can readily tap China and Russia to make up lost revenues (CSIS, 2/6/23).
Capitalist war drives racist refugee crisis
Although Suu Kyi remains under house arrest after the junta removed her from power, the U.S. stands behind the former Nobel Peace Prize winner as a once-and-future foil to the junta and their Chinese and Russian backers. But given Suu Kyi’s past complicity in the military’s genocide of the Rohingya Muslim minority in Rakhine State, the U.S. condemnation of the junta’s human rights abuses falls flat (CFR, 1/31/22).
The plight of Rohingya refugees is one of the most appalling human disasters in recent memory. Over a million people have been forced out of their homes to eke out a wretched existence in concentration camps in neighboring Bangladesh and other countries (Guardian, 2/29).
More than half a million Rohingya remain in Myanmar, caught in the crossfire between the junta and the rebel armies. It is no coincidence that the worst anti-Rohingya attacks have occurred in the unstable Rakhine State, home to deepwater ports financed by China (FirstPost, 1/8). In a perverse twist, the junta is trying to fill their hollowed ranks by forcibly recruiting young Rohingya men, the same workers they’ve ruthlessly targeted for death and ethnic cleansing (Economist, 6/6). Meanwhile, the racist rebel groups persecute the Rohingya as Muslim workers in a predominantly Buddhist country.
Nationalism: a dead end for the working class
A complex alliance of ethnically based militias has coalesced around the goal of overthrowing the junta and restoring the emerging pre-coup “democracy”. To that end, the National Unity government-in-exile (including members of the monstrous Suu Kyi’s party) and its military wing, the People’s Defense Forces, have recruited many young workers to fight, including some from outside the country (Al Jazeera, 5/17). Spurred by cash incentives, thousands of junta soldiers and police have defected to the other side (BBC, 5/30/23).
But as history repeatedly shows, armed struggles without the explicit goal of communist revolution and workers’ power are bound to betray workers’ interests. The anti-junta leaders are competing for their own piece of the capitalist pie—in this case, Myanmar’s natural abundance of metal ores, precious stones, fossil fuels, and forests. Without antiracist politics leading the way, there will be more waves of violence based on religious and ethnic differences. Only communist leadership, the goal of a classless workers’ society, and constant ideological struggle can overcome these capitalist divisions.
One world, one class, one party
Despite their contradictions and the liberal bosses’ misleadership, many workers and soldiers have shown great resolve and courage in fighting the junta. Forces. Young workers and students are leaving the cities to join the battles raging in the countryside (NYT, 6/24). Their selfless commitment deserves a better future than any capitalist government can ever offer. They deserve communism! Build Progressive Labor Party and the fight for worker power!
NEW YORK CITY, July 1 – Every week since mid-October, a group of uptown Manhattan neighbors has protested at the office of local politician, Adriano Espaillat, to denounce his support for Israeli genocide in Gaza. Espaillat is promoted as the first Dominican U.S. Representative, yet his largest campaign donors come from pro-Israel interests. He’s just another capitalist politician who supports Israeli fascism and genocide, exposing the hypocrisy of identity politics. Progressive Labor Party (PLP) has been giving leadership to this struggle, bringing our communist, internationalist, pro-working class politics to the forefront. Only through communism, where workers run society, can workers in Palestine achieve liberation.
Building the bosses’ gravediggers one worker at a time
The vigils were started to protest the Israeli genocide of workers in Gaza after Hamas's offensive. Hundreds of local workers and youth have participated, many Black, Latin, Arab, and Asian. PLP members have helped organize a teach-in, worked inside committees, participated in mutual-aid events, and mobilized for multiple rallies and marches (including in D.C.). We also supported encampments and actions at several NYC universities. Workers and students have eagerly taken CHALLENGEs and we have been building relationships with those most open to our line.
Our PLP study group has grown both quantitatively and qualitatively. We are discussing Middle East history, internationalism, and the dangers and divisiveness of identity politics. And we have been developing the leadership of our newer Black and Latin members, led by several women.
The ideological struggle: internationalism vs. nationalism
Recently one of the group’s leaders attacked us for distributing our newspaper, even smearing our internationalist position as a form of “soft Zionism,” for saying that workers in Palestine and Israel have common class interests. We argued that at least some Israeli workers can be won to support the struggle against genocide. The critic backed off. Our internationalist ideas, our strong ties with our neighbors, and our consistent work paid off.
Many workers and youth in the organization recognize capitalism and imperialism as the roots of the Israeli/U.S. genocide in Gaza. However, many also think the solution is a Palestinian state. We say that workers can never be free under the capitalist profit system, no matter what the ruling class looks like.
Combating anti-communism
At a recent vigil, a newer comrade denounced the lies the U.S. media repeatedly tells about Gaza and the Palestinians: “The same ruling class that lies about Gaza and Palestinians also tells us lies about communism.” This connection made sense to many, who nodded and vocalized their agreement. One neighborhood friend requested we change the speaker order so she could agree with our comrade: “It’s true,” she said, “the rulers lie about communism. To me, communism is communication, community, and collaboration.”
The lies about communism by the bosses are meant to keep workers from fighting for the only solution that will smash the capitalist system once and for all. To defeat these imperialists, we must combat the false ideas fed to workers about communism. Speeches calling out capitalism as the root cause of genocide elicited positive responses. To many, that’s clear, yet solutions remain unclear. Calling out the bosses’ lies around communism is necessary to see that the communist revolution is the only solution for our collective liberation.
“We need an organization”: The communist Progressive Labor Party
Ideological struggle is important, but we need more working-class fighters to join the Progressive Labor Party. The international working class needs an organization. An organization is necessary to defeat the bosses who hold up this crumbling capitalist system. We have much to learn from our fellow workers' experiences and much to teach from over 150 years of communist workers’ struggle. But one lesson from history is clear. To beat the capitalists we need a communist party to channel all the voices calling for revolution and lead workers to take power. We need a mass party: PLP!
Looking Forward
Our plans going forward are to continue to work inside this organization to build the struggle against the Israeli/U.S. genocide in Gaza. But we are in this struggle to win people, not arguments. With our many points of unity, as we get to know people better, we hope to convince them that communism is the only solution to liberating workers around the world. We want to build a mass communist party to lead revolutions from Palestine to Haiti to Sudan and throughout the world. So we need as many workers and youth as possible to join the PLP and make it stronger.
The struggle against capitalism is long-range and we need to collectively continue to increase our strength. Bonds of trust and camaraderie that we build now will help us overcome obstacles in building a new society. When we unite as one international working class, we have nothing to lose but our chains and no one can hold us back!
The following article was part of a twelve-part series entitled A short history of Progressive Labor Party (PLP) and its activities in Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) first published in CHALLENGE in early 2007.
By the fall of 1967, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) chapters had sprung up on hundreds of U.S. college campuses. A vigorous debate ensued on the tactics of anti-war activity. Progressive Labor Party (PLP)members advocated the principle that tactics flowed from politics, and that class allegiance held the key to politics.
From the very beginning, PLP stood alone in fighting for a "Worker-Student Alliance." This position had several practical consequences:
* U.S. bosses got their cannon fodder for the Vietnam War through a military draft. However, college students could enjoy a "2-S'' student deferment. PLP argued that a principled anti-war position required refusing this class privilege. PLP'ers rejected it individually and as a mass position. As a result, many PLP members were drafted. The military brass deemed some unfit for military service for "political reasons." Others entered the military and organized against the war on the inside. PLP's principled position against the 2-S deferment won widespread respect throughout the movement, including the grudging admiration of the Party's right-wing opponents within SDS.
* From the start, PLP also vigorously opposed the position of the "official" leadership of the anti-war movement, that "Stop the bombing and negotiate" was the only mass line that could mobilize large numbers of people within the U.S. The Party also argued that this was an imperialist war and not just a “mistake” by some politicians. PLP argued that as an imperialist invader, the U.S. ruling class had no right to negotiate a blade of grass in Vietnam; and that the only viable demand was "U.S. out NOW!" This struggle around this principle—correct as far as it went -- was to have significant consequences several years later when the Vietnamese "communist" leadership began negotiations with the Nixon administration.
* During the late 1960s, spontaneous working-class militancy was mushrooming, with industrial strikes, inner-city uprisings, and rebellion within the imperialist military. PLP took the lead in arguing that students should support these struggles, particularly with concrete action.
* PLP organized summer "Work-in" projects in 1967, '68, and '69, with two main goals: first to educate anti-war students about the true nature of the working class and the need to unite with workers; second, to bring anti-war, anti-imperialist politics to the working class. In a limited way, the "Work-ins" were quite successful. The student participants shed many reactionary illusions about workers, not the least of which was the boss-promoted slander that workers were racist, reactionary "oafs" incapable of understanding their class interests. Workers who met Work-in participants saw the potential for uniting with anti-war students and communists. The bosses went nuts, releasing several official documents revealing their panic at the prospect of workers and students uniting massively to oppose the war. PLP argued that this panic alone indicated we were on the right track.
* Within SDS, an increasingly sharp debate began to emerge around this issue. PLP argued for unity with workers in industry, transportation, and communications, and to concretize this unity by supporting strikes in auto, other heavy industries, telephone (the computer was still two decades away as a mass item), hospitals, etc. SDS's "right-wing" (as we called it) opposed this position, arguing that the "traditional" working class had become obsolete, that it was hopelessly reactionary, and that "the real hope for revolution" lay in the "new working class" of alienated intellectuals and professionals. The main spokesperson for this nonsense was Herbert Marcuse, a former German social democrat who had emigrated to the U.S. and became a professor in California. The bosses happily anointed him the ideologue of the "New Left." They promoted his ideas and his book One-Dimensional Man, even featuring him on the cover of Time Magazine. PLP continued to fight for the Worker-Student Alliance and to organize militant action that reflected the class position that the working class could never become obsolete as long as capitalism spirals into crisis, degrading the labor conditions for workers and pushing more segments of our class into more precarious jobs.
Throughout the war, the Progressive Labor Party, which had launched the first mass demonstration against the war in 1964, played a crucial ideological, political, and practical role within SDS and the anti-war movement in general. PLP gained experience, advanced its political line, and recruited large numbers of students and others to its ranks. Many remain Party members and leaders nearly four decades later. Many PL’ers who were recruited in the '60s and '70s recently led a forum called the Lessons from 1968 and beyond. Look out for the article in the next issue of CHALLENGE.
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Newark: Nationalist ideas cooked by antiracist fightback
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- 05 July 2024 325 hits
Newark, NJ, June 22- As the threat of World War III looms between the world’s superpowers—China, Russia, and the U.S.—and global warming intensifies, fourteen members and friends of the Progressive Labor Party (PLP), including high school students, gathered to celebrate 65 years of the Party's influence. The event featured struggle stories from workers both locally in Newark and internationally to promote a vision of a unified world under one party, PLP.
The opening speech underscored the significance of the gathering, particularly for those who had been invited from the Rutgers encampment struggles. They noted Rutgers University's decision to dismantle the encampment, as well as recent actions of other “liberal” universities and denounced it as a symptom of rising fascism faced not only by workers in the United States, but internationally for standing up to capitalist genocide of workers in Palestine.
Drawing parallels between current struggles and historical fascism, the speaker contended that the existing capitalist state and political leaders, including liberals and progressives, are increasingly fascist.
For capitalists, ‘Free Palestine’ reform is a cry to create a new oppressive State
Someone asked, “What is the state?” One participant answered, “The state is an instrument in the hands of the ruling class, used to break the resistance of the rivals of that class.” A common liberal solution sold to workers in the Middle East is a two-state solution for Israel and Palestine. It came out in the discussion that any state, ruled by Hamas or Zionists, would put wealthy rulers over workers.
Others present asserted that a Palestinian state would be one of ‘self-determination,’ and not exploitation. We discussed how nationalist revolutions in South Africa, Vietnam and many other places show ‘self-determination’ is an illusion meant to obfuscate capitalist exploitation. What were once open battle-grounds against the rule of the bosses are today nations ruled by their own bosses exploiting sweatshop workers to make commodities for profit. Similarly in the U.S., workers under capitalism face the illusion that the state can be reformed, framed as freedom to vote Republican or Democrat. This false sense of freedom extends to joining anarchist or reformist groups. Most reformists use gender, nationalist and identity politics to cater to a select group, alienating other groups. These other groups are then pushed to their own respective misleaders, creating a cultural battle of worker against worker with the only winner being the capitalists. The ideal that reforms will save everyone is just an illusion.
Two high school students present, one of whom is involved in their school’s model U.N. club, noted how even the supposedly international organizations such as the U.N. just provide another illusion for workers. They said that while the U.N. appears to be a consensus-based organization made up of many states, it really is dominated by five ‘permanent members’ who have veto power over any proposal. These permanent members unsurprisingly include some of the wealthiest concentrations of capital on earth: The United States, China, Russia, The United Kingdom and France.
For workers in Palestine, only communism can bring freedom from class oppression
The discussion then highlighted the benefits of communist centralism. This approach, it was argued, examines issues from multiple angles, offering a comprehensive, class-conscious solution to material conditions. Someone talked about the important experience during the encampments of the communist-style organization of food, security, and prohibition of photographs by provocateurs. Resources were supplied and organized collectively based on those able to do so and distributed collectively based on need. History shows that such communist centralism is efficient enough to defeat capitalist enemies, such as the Red Army defeating the whites in Russia or the communists defeating the nationalist Kuomintang in China because of the fragmented nature of the capitalist opposition. One critique given about the encampments was that their demands often lacked clear organization and were often dominated by reformism—that is demands without a revolutionary end in sight and leave the capitalist state intact.
Local fights build a vision of a world led by workers
Also noted during the discussion was students’ courageous fight-back while police called by universities from California to New Jersey took hours to arrive only to stand idly by while armed provokers viciously attacked students.
Workers have a compelling choice to make: 1) Accept the “freedom” of self-determination: In this vision, capitalism with all its delusions, oppression, super-exploitation, apartheid, and mass genocide would prevail. OR 2) Join the FIGHT FOR A UNIFIED WORLD UNDER ONE PARTY LED BY PLP. Communism entails the Party leading every facet of society. To achieve this, millions of workers must become organizers for communism. Victory involves collaborating with the working class, recognizing both progress and shortcomings. It means organizing and educating others to resist capitalism at work, in our communities. It means involving in mass organizations, having friends over to your home and joining PLP in building a communist future.
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Inglewood, CA Lesson learned: shut down the racist profit system, not schools
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- 05 July 2024 670 hits
Inglewood, CA, June 28, 2024 —Progressive Labor Party (PLP) members and friends attended a teach-in about the school closures in Inglewood which was led by community members. During the event, parents and their children along with other community members and teachers joined the event which included speeches, a PowerPoint presentation, chanting, and a planning session for future events.
The Inglewood school district was taken over by the state of California in 2012. Community members have been concerned in the more recent history that the school board they have elected has no power. Like many other predominantly Black and Latin working-class cities, the City of Inglewood Unified School District (USD) was taken over by the State of California. In return for a loan of $55 million from the State, Inglewood USD agreed to be put in “receivership” and give up control to a State-appointed administrator. A condition of reestablishing local control is payment in full of the loan.
The current boss of the schools is James Morris, L.A. County Superintendent. It is Morris who has devised the plan to close one of the city's two high schools, and four elementary schools effective at the end of the 2024-2025 school year. Meanwhile, Inglewood USD continues to pay off the loan at exorbitant interest rates, with a final payment expected to be made in 2034!
Leading up to the event, PLP members helped to plan the teach-in and included their base members. One high school student joined the planning meeting and gave her honest assessment that the struggle should include more young people. We discussed how to care for the children at the event which included games and story time. People on the planning committee agreed with PLP that it’s important to expose young children to books and stories that talk about why it’s necessary to be involved in antiracist struggles against bosses.
The event started with a speaker who had been involved in the struggle from the beginning because her daughter’s school was closing. The speech included information on the connection between the new stadiums that have been built in Inglewood (So-Fi Stadium and Intuit Dome) and the closings. All of the schools closing are in the zone of these new stadiums; some are even torn down and the land turned into parking lots.
The next speaker was a student who currently attends a high school in Inglewood. This young person gave a passionate speech about the fact that she would not be able to play basketball for the school she had her heart set on going to. She made connections about the profit-hungry corporations who want the school space for parking lots as well as the politicians who are complicit because they refuse to oppose carrying out the racist plans to shut down schools and their abject refusal to meet with concerned parents and students. The student’s speech was followed by an in-depth presentation discussing other districts across California that are also suffering school closings. The presentation brought out the fact that every school district under state control was disproportionately Black and/or Latin. A statewide coalition of concerned parents and community members has organized ways to fight against the closings and help people become more active in their communities.
Following the speeches and presentations, there was a period of open-mic time. A student, who attended this year’s May Day event in Los Angeles spoke on the mic about her siblings who are going to be affected by the school closings. She spoke about how the politicians are more concerned with lining their pockets than they are with making sure there are enough qualified teachers in the classrooms. She also included the analysis that these schools are run like businesses. She understands that under the system of capitalism, profit is primary and things like education, particularly for Black and Brown students, are expendable. Another Party member, who is also a member of the Lennox-Inglewood Tenants’ Union (LITU), spoke about the housing crisis that exists for Inglewood families. As these stadiums are built and racist gentrification spreads [the city continues to become gentrified, rent and housing prices are skyrocketing. Many families have no other choice but to leave Inglewood. As the schools’ population decreases, the State and County overlord district is choosing to close the schools rather than finding ways to help keep families where they are and work on increasing the school population. Members of LITU attended the event because they too saw the connection between rent increases and school closures.
The only thing that will ensure schools are not being closed down is to build a world without the profit-motive. The majority of students cannot learn under capitalism. With school closures, overcrowded classrooms, and a lack of supplies, working-class students across the world are and have always been forced to become cogs in the wheel of capitalism. Teachers in PLP need to continue to organize students and co-workers to join PLP so that we can set up a communist education system that abolishes racism and fosters learning, creativity, and critical thinking.